With over 40,000 citations, Hofstede’s ([1980]2001) seminal contribution Culture’s Consequences: International differences in work-related values is among the 25 most cited books in social sciences (Green, 2016).
Assessing the use and impact of Hofstede’s work in the field of
international business and management is a daunting task. Kirkman, Lowe
and Gibson (hereafter KLG) did this very effectively. They summarized
and made sense of the voluminous literature employing Hofstede’s
framework across topical areas and levels of analysis (e.g., individual
and country) and provided valuable guidance on more rigorous future
applications. We believe that the combination of a comprehensive review
and critical assessment of the extant research and the series of
insightful recommendations for improving future research made this paper
path-breaking. Its relevance and contribution is reflected in the many
KLG inspired follow-up studies published in the last decade. As we will
argue and illustrate below, KLG’s ideas have served as a solid
foundation that has inspired others to take this research further,
improving its rigor and usefulness.
Our
approach is the following. We first summarize the main contributions of
KLG’s 2006 paper focusing in particular on the country level of
analysis. Our interest in the country level is twofold. We believe that
Hofstede’s national culture framework is best applied at the aggregate
level. Furthermore, the country is a critical unit of analysis in IB. In
essence, IB is about understanding how country-level context relates to
individual and firm behavior and how crossing national borders creates
specific challenges and opportunities for global business. Accordingly,
we review country-level Hofstede-based research since 2006, which has
built on KLG’s article. In addition, in order to provide even further
evidence of the validity and usefulness of their recommendations, we
present an empirical test – rerunning an already published study but
this time following KLG’s guidelines. We believe this effort is
consistent with KLG’s original goal to “empirically assess
Hofstede-inspired cultural values research” (KLG, 2006,
p. 287) and it also illustrates clearly the significant push forward
that KLG’s article provided. We conclude with several suggestions of our
own, which reflect both important gaps and issues still remaining in
Hofstede-based international business research and advancements in
related academic areas that can inform our work. The work of KLG and
those inspired by them is part of a long and important tradition of
studying ‘culture’s consequences’ in our field.
KIRKMAN, LOWE AND GIBSON’S 2006 CONTRIBUTION IN A NUTSHELL
Culture
has been defined in hundreds of ways depending on the dominant
theoretical perspective and methodological approach taken (Adler, 1983). The notion of countries having a specific culture – or Völkergeist
– can be traced back to the emergence of nation states in Europe at the
end of the nineteenth century (Beugelsdijk & Maseland, 2011).
However, the understanding of culture has evolved significantly over
time. Contemporary research has conceptualized culture as values,
stories, frames, toolkits or categories (Giorgi, Lockwood & Glynn, 2015).
For the purposes of this article, we adopt the view of culture as a set
of values that are shared in a given social group and distinguish this
group from others (Schwartz, 2014). Referred to as “the collective programing of the mind” (Hofstede, [1980]2001; KLG, 2006, p. 286), culture provides a basis for interaction and shared understandings among group members (Kroeber & Kluckhohn, 1963; Wallerstein, 1990) and determines social norms and expectations, ultimately shaping the behavior of individuals and organizations (Hofstede, [1980]2001). As eloquently summarized by KLG (2006,
p. 286), Hofstede’s work has come to dominate the literature, partly
because he was the first to develop a parsimonious national culture
framework consisting of multiple cultural dimensions
(Individualism–Collectivism, Power distance, Uncertainty avoidance,
Masculinity–Femininity, and Long term-orientation) and also because he
provided country measures (indexes) on these dimensions.
KLG
focus on Hofstede-based work and review “empirical research that
assessed these five cultural values (or a subset of those) published in
top tier management and applied psychology journals” (KLG, 2006,
p. 287), including “articles only if the authors empirically assessed
the cultural values using either primary or secondary data” (KLG, 2006,
p. 287). KLG combine both research relying on Hofstede’s data (referred
to by KLG as secondary research), and primary data that assessed values
through value surveys, experiments or other indirect methods. They also
classify studies as type I or type II where type I studies use culture
as a direct main effect and type II use culture as a moderator effect. A
key distinction made by KLG is whether Hofstede-related research is
performed at the individual or country level.
Their
review is extensive and well-informed showing a deep knowledge of
Hofstede’s work and a thorough examination of the then current
literature applying his framework. They establish that most studies use
culture as a main effect (148 out of the 180) and the majority of these
148 studies concerns country-level studies (78 out of 148). Of the 64
studies at the individual level, 58 focus on only one of Hofstede’s
dimensions: Individualism–Collectivism. At the country level, “most
research examined the impact of cultural distance on organizational and
country level outcomes” (KLG, 2006,
p. 299). Whereas individual-level studies use a variety of instruments
to measure Hofstede’s cultural dimensions, country-level studies, use
Hofstede’s data. Furthermore, most country-level studies, they find,
focus on cultural distance measured by the Kogut and Singh’s (1988) cultural distance metric which collapses all cultural dimensions into one index.
KLG’s
paper is impressively comprehensive including a wide range of both
Hofstede-based and Hofstede-inspired research. In the year before KLG
published their article in JIBS, Tihanyi, Griffith, & Russel (2005)
published a meta-analysis of Hofstede-based cultural distance research.
It is clear from their references, that at the time of paper’s
acceptance (May 2005), KLG were not aware of Tihanyi et al.’s (2005) article. The meta-analysis by Tihanyi et al. (2005)
based on 66 articles using the Hofstede-based cultural distance index
is already impressive. But KLG is even more so – reviewing almost three
times this number – 180 papers in total. Almost all of the 78
country-level studies included in KLG are cultural distance studies,
implying that KLG and Tihanyi et al. both analyzed approximately the
same number of cultural distance studies (66 and 54 respectively). KLG’s
inclusion of an additional 100+ articles relying on Hofstede’s
framework makes their analysis extremely comprehensive. To more
correctly assess the positioning and overall contribution of KLG’s
paper, let us also explain the boundaries of their analysis. The authors
did not test theory by developing and testing a set of hypotheses, nor
did they develop a new theory or extend an existing theoretical model.
They summarized a significant portion of the literature shaping
international business research. However, they limited their inquiry to
quantitative multidimensional cross-cultural research leaving out emic
qualitative empirical research. This approach is justified given that
Hofstede-related research is by definition of an etic nature. It also
reflects the common methodologies of culture studies in international
business. While acknowledging the value of emic qualitative approaches
that aim to go ‘beyond Hofstede’ (Nakata, 2009),
the reality is that most extant work in this area is etic in nature.
Moreover, ‘thick descriptions’ of local cultures – even if they are
inspired by Hofstede, remain country-specific and present validity
problems as “locally valid instruments would prohibit researchers from
making direct comparisons between countries” (KLG, 2006, pp. 312–313). This exemplifies the classic tension in cross-cultural research between universality and particularity (Adler, 1983; Beugelsdijk & Maseland, 2011).
Building
on their comprehensive review, KLG analyze the main issues and
shortcomings of past research and identify several directions which
could inform future Hofstede-inspired research (KLG, 2006,
p. 286). They conclude that “the most glaring need in type I studies at
the country level (where culture is used as an independent variable) is
to explain the conflicting findings regarding the effects of cultural
distance on various organizational decisions such as entry mode choice”
(KLG, 2006,
p. 302). Meta-analyses on cultural distance analyzing several of these
‘organizational decisions’ that appeared since KLG’s article was
published show inconclusive results (Tihanyi et al., 2005; Magnusson, Baack, Zdravkovic, Staub, & Amine, 2008; Reus & Rottig, 2009; Zhao, Luo & Suh, 2004; Morschett, Schramm-Klein, & Swoboda, 2010).
One possible reason for these inconsistencies regarding the effect of
cultural distance, for example on modes, is that these organizational
decisions have been studied separately, whereas location choice,
governance mode, entry mode, and performance outcomes are interrelated
as part of important strategic decisions. Another reason might be the
conceptualization of cultural distance, which goes back to suggestions
made by KLG. At the country level, KLG provide the following
recommendations for future research:
- (i)Do not equate country with culture. Practically, they suggest that this can be done by testing for culture effects while controlling for country effects. They consider studies that distinguish between country and culture analytically superior to those that test for either country or culture (KLG, 2006, p. 312).
- (ii)Explore additional cultural values beyond the ones proposed by Hofstede (KLG, 2006, p. 313). In this context, KLG also mention the need to think through if the cultural distance construct needs to be based on a combination of multiple cultural dimensions (as in the Kogut & Singh index), or should be calculated for separate value dimensions (KLG, 2006, p. 302).
- (iii)Calculate effect size in country-level culture and cultural distance studies so as to find out not whether culture matters, but also how much it matters (KLG, 2006, p. 313).
KLG
also give several warnings to temper the enthusiasm that may be
triggered by their overall conclusion that “Hofstede’s values are
clearly relevant for additional cross-cultural research” (KLG, 2006,
p. 308). One particular warning highlighted in italics in their article
is the remark that it may be better to “avoid further use of the
overall cultural distance construct” (KLG, 2006, p. 303). They base this suggestion on earlier criticism on the cultural distance index (Shenkar, 2001).
Specifically, they mention the potentially problematic issue of
Hofstede’s data collected in 1968–1973 thus possibly being outdated, and
the need to further explore perceptive measures of distance. As
suggested below, many of these issues have been addressed in recent
years, partly in response to KLG’s article and their recommendations.
KEY DEVELOPMENTS SINCE 2006
In
their retrospective included in this issue, KLG identify significant
developments inspired by their 2006 recommendations. For example, KLG (2016)
establish that the (mal)practice of simply assigning country-level
scores to individuals when examining the effects of culture at the
individual level of analysis has steadily declined. In addition to such
positive developments, KLG point to several issues that still require
follow-up and need to be addressed in future research. Without repeating
all their discussions here, one of their main concerns remains the need
for more robust and rigorous methodological reflections on how to
incorporate culture (KLG, 2016).
This relates to both method (e.g., construct, measure, sample
equivalence) and methodology (e.g., emic vs. etic). Their research
agenda is clear as they suggest to move beyond cultural values, explore
other ‘containers’ of culture besides country, explore multiculturalism,
and address culture dynamics. Finally, they recommend culture (values)
research at the group/organizational level in addition to on the
individual and country level.
Similar to 2006, the authors warn against overreliance on multidimensional value-based research as in Hofstede ([1980]2001) and GLOBE (House et al., 2004), and to some extent Schwartz (1999).
They now make an even stronger point to complement value-based with
non-value based approaches. Their second ‘cris-de-coeur’ is to explore
culture at levels other than the country level: “cultures exist among
many different social groups, including regions, generations, and
socio-economic groups” (KLG, 2016).
They claim that a relatively limited part of the overall variation in
cultural values resides between countries, and over than 80% resides
within countries. KLG (2016) refer to Taras, Steel, & Kirkman (2016)
to make the argument that cultures group in a smaller number of
entities, fewer than there are countries. This leads them to “urge
future researchers to move beyond national geographic boundaries in the
search for cultural entities” (KLG, 2016).
Since KLG’s article was published in this journal in 2006,
Hofstede-inspired research has continued to blossom (Caprar, Devinney,
Kirkman & Caliguri, 2015). The cultural distance literature in particular has grown at a remarkable speed (Beugelsdijk & Mudambi, 2013).
KLG did not perform a count in their retrospective like they did in the
2006 article, but it seems that most country-level Hofstede-based
research is still cultural distance research. Despite its continued use
in management studies, the cultural distance construct has been subject
to serious criticism (Shenkar, 2001)
around three main issues: (a) the use of the cultural distance
construct in theory building, like assuming similar relationships
between cultural distance and different organizational outcomes
(performance, entry modes, location choice); (b) the statistical
properties of the index itself, specifically assuming uncorrelated
cultural dimensions and national cultural homogeneity, and (c) the data
on the basis of which the index is calculated, specifically the possible
outdatedness of Hofstede’s measures.
While
recognizing that many of these issues are valid and should be of
concern, and despite the occasional pessimism that more of the same
cultural distance research will not lead us to important novel insights
(Caprar et al., 2015; KLG, 2016),
we think that overall this literature has made some important steps
forward over the last decade, facilitated to a large extent by KLG’s
practical recommendations. Given the volume of cultural distance papers
since 2006, our review of this work is not meant to be exhaustive or
complete. Instead, we seek to append their own review of the literature
in the retrospective (KLG, 2016)
and more importantly to identify research developments, which serve to
highlight how their ideas have impacted the field. We organize these
contributions according to their main 2006 recommendations.
Our
baseline is the following. Although we agree with KLG’s statement that
culture resides at different levels (e.g., teams, organizations,
professional associations, and nation states), their conclusion and
rather radical suggestion to abandon the country as the unit of analysis
may be too far-fetched. In our field, the nation state is pivotal
because of international business’ defining condition of crossing
borders (Ricks, 1985; Nehrt, Truitt, & Wright, 1970). We agree that equating country with culture is not ideal and can be too simplistic. However, to substitute international business research with intercultural
business research with culture defined at various levels, may be a case
of throwing out the baby with the bathwater. Despite globalization,
national borders continue to have important meaning, though perhaps not
in the way we have traditionally conceived them in cross-national
culture research, and perhaps even less so in the value-based tradition
criticized by KLG (2006, 2016).
As we will describe below, the field has progressed in ways that allow a
way forward that builds on Hofstede-inspired tradition of national
value-based research while at the same time recognizing its limitations.
Let us discuss their recommendations.
Suggestion I: Distinguish Between Country Effects and Culture Effects
This
recommendation has received significant follow-up in the last decade.
We identified at least three ways in which different scholars have
responded to this suggestion.
Intra-country Cultural Diversity
First, following earlier publications on the issue (Au, 1999; Lenartowicz & Roth, 2001),
the notion of intra-country cultural diversity has been re-introduced
into the literature in the last decade, (Dheer, Lenartowicz &
Peterson, 2015; Tung, 2008).
In 2011, Gelfand together with 44 co-authors published a seminal paper
introducing the concept of tight-loose cultures. They showed that some
countries have ‘tight’ cultures in that they have strong social norms
and enforcement and low tolerance for deviant behavior, while other
countries have ‘loose’ cultures characterized by less restrictive and
more heterogeneous values and norms, weaker enforcement of norms, and
higher levels of individual discretion and deviation with regard to
social behavior (Gelfand et al., 2011).
Gelfand et al.’s study is relevant to cross-cultural research in IB
because it shows a country-level factor (degree of tightness) that could
affect the strength of country level cultural value effects (Taras et
al., 2016).
Based on a similar argument, it has recently been shown that the
cultural distance effect is contingent on the degree of intra-country
cultural diversity (Beugelsdijk et al., 2014; Chua et al., 2015; Dow et al., 2016; Shin, Hasse, & Schotter, 2016). Given the prominence of Gelfand et al.’s study, KLG (2016) strongly encourage future researchers to integrate the notion of tightness-looseness in culture studies.
One
key factor explaining the emergent literature on intra-country cultural
value diversity is the availability of data. For the Hofstede cultural
framework only the country-level scores are available. For GLOBE, the
underlying individual-level data are not publicly available. For
Schwartz however, a small fee to the Israeli Science Foundation suffices
to get access to the approximately 70,000 individuals interviewed. This
creates novel possibilities for empirical research linking the
individual to the aggregate country level. Cross-cultural psychologists
have explored the extent of sharedness of values within and between
countries (Fischer & Schwartz, 2011; van Herk & Poortinga, 2012).
By having access to individual-level data on cultural value
orientations, we can assess the degree to which such values are shared
in a country, allowing for a more fine-grained analysis of the extent to
which country equates culture. In our view, Gelfand et al.’s (2011)
study is not a reason to abandon country-level cultural values
research, but to re-think it, and find ways to incorporate it for more
fine-grained culture studies.
For
example, the availability of the individual scores on Schwartz’s
cultural orientation allows calculating the standard deviation of a
country cultural profile, which captures the degree of national cultural
value consensus (Schwartz & Sagie, 2000), and can be related to Gelfand et al.’s degree of cultural tightness. Figure 1 plots the degree of cultural tightness taken from Gelfand et al. (2011)
and the average standard deviation of the Schwartz cultural value
orientations. As expected, countries with tight cultures and strict
norms have a higher degree of value consensus reflected in a lower
standard deviation. The bivariate correlation between cultural tightness
and the standard deviation of the Schwartz cultural value orientations
is −.58, and the explained variance in a regression analysis controlling
for Gelfand’s sample characteristics is 54% (Gelfand et al., 2011; Table 1, p. 1103).
Figure 1
is merely an illustration, and more rigorous work is required to derive
robust implications, but this example shows how value-based research
can possibly be enriched such that we improve our understanding of the
degree to which country can be equated with culture. One implication of
the strong relation between cultural tightness and national cultural
value consensus is that studies using country mean cultural dimensions
(e.g., Hofstede’s Individualism–Collectivism) may want to correct for
the degree of cultural tightness/value consensus in a country by
interacting these mean scores with their variance.1 The
significance of the interaction term would indicate the degree to which
it is safe to use the mean value scores as a reliable measure of a
country culture.
Our view is that Gelfand
et al.’s work on cultural tightness is not a reason to stop using
country-level value-based research. Country is not the same as culture,
but instead of abandoning value-based research completely the real
challenge is how we integrate intra-country cultural diversity
empirically, and even more importantly, in our theorizing on culture
effects. So far, the literature has not provided an overall theoretical
framework reconciling intra-country cultural diversity with the notion
of national cultures (Peterson, 2016), although significant steps forward are made.
Supra-national Cultural Clusters
Second,
and in addition to exploring intra-country cultural diversity, a
parallel development has emerged that focuses on the distinction between
country and culture by emphasizing the supra-national level. KLG do not
discuss supranational cultural zones in their original article. They
implicitly mention supra-national regions in the 2016 retrospective as
another possible culture ‘container’ besides country, that warrants
further investigation (KLG, 2016).
There is abundant empirical evidence that cultural differences may be
more region- than country-specific, in that countries cluster at the
supra-national level in well-known cultural zones. This means that
cultural values exhibit marked discrete jumps at the boundaries of these
supra-national cultural zones, which are more pronounced than the
differences at the country levels. The United States belongs to the
Anglo-Saxon cluster that also includes New Zealand, United Kingdom and
Australia. Similarly, scholars have identified the Nordics and
Latin-America cultural zones. The existence of such cultural zones was
already included in Hofstede’s original work (Hofstede, 1980, Chap. 7), and further confirmed in a recent meta-analysis by Ronen and Shenkar (2013).
The presence of supra-national cultural zones resonates well with the work on country institutional profiles (Kostova, 1997), as well as the literatures on varieties of capitalism (Hall & Soskice, 2001) and comparative corporate governance (Aguilera & Jackson, 2003; Jackson & Deeg, 2008),
which explore typologies of countries based on their institutional
similarity. The Anglo-Saxon cultural zone from culture research (Ronen
& Shenkar, 2013), for example is very consistent with the free or liberal market model from varieties of capitalism (Hall & Soskice, 2001).
Exploring supra-national cultural zones as a level of analysis can be
equally useful as the above cited work on institutional typologies. As
shown, institutional environments shape organizational practices and
structures and explain their diffusion and spread within and across
countries. Organizations adopt certain ways of organizing in response to
coercive (e.g., regulation), mimetic (e.g., social knowledge), and
normative institutional pressures (social values and norms) (DiMaggio
& Powell, 1983; Scott, 1995).
We can expect similar dynamics to occur as a result of cultural value
similarity between countries. Furthermore, institutional similarity
between countries can lead to value similarity among them. As Peterson
and Barreto suggest, “Countries having a history of close ties because
of proximity, trade, conquest or religion show more similar cultural
values due to institutional transmission than do countries lacking such
ties” (Peterson & Barreto, 2015, p. 26). Although this is a literature in and of itself (see Peterson & Barreto, 2015
for an overview) and beyond the scope of our commentary, we believe
that exploring the adoption and diffusion of similar practices at the
supra-national cultural region level is a promising area of research.
Furthermore, the institutional literature on varieties of capitalism (Hall & Soskice, 2001) and institutional logics (Thornton, Ocasio, & Lounsbury, 2012)
can also inform the work at the supra-national culture zones with
regard to its conceptualization of entities. Specifically, these
institutional literatures conceive of institutional environments more as
‘profiles’ or sets of characteristics that have ‘complementarities’ as
they ‘hang together’ as a system, rather than viewing them as separate
dimensions (Fainschmidt, Judge, Aguilera, & Smith, 2016).
The same approach in culture studies could shift the attention to
cultural profiles instead of separate value dimensions. The notion of
discrete distance effects occurring at the boundaries of these cultural
clusters and the associated conceptualization of cultural differences in
terms of cultural profiles is also consistent with Hofstede’s remark
that national cultural dimensions should be seen in combination
(Hofstede, 2011).
If
cultural profiles are supra-national, then cultural context mostly
changes between regions and less between countries, a conjecture
supported by Taras et al. (2016).
This may have important theoretical implications for IB, specifically
for liability of foreignness research (Zaheer, Schomaker, & Nachum, 2012; Zaheer, 1995).
The liability of foreignness argument on the costs of doing business
abroad is often applied in a country by country setting, and embedded in
cognitive decision-making theory in which change of context plays a key
role (DiMaggio, 1997).
If the change in cultural context occurs at the supra-national level,
the liability of foreignness effect associated with cultural differences
is more likely to occur at the supra-national rather than the national
level. This is consistent with observations of similar regional effects
in other areas. Rugman and Verbeke (2004)
have shown that MNEs tend to internationalize within their home region,
and only very few firms venture beyond the regional boundaries. A
similar supra-national but regional focus has been proposed in recent
discussions on firm internationalization (Arregle, Miller, Hitt, &
Beamish, 2016), regionalization of global value chains (e.g., Sturgeon, Van Biesebroeck, & Gereffi, 2008) and re-shoring (e.g., DeBacker, Menon, Desnoyers-James, & Moussiegt, 2016).
Although we have focused on the level of the nation state, we see the
potential of the regional perspective in exploring cultural boundaries
and effects. Moving forward along these lines would require culture
theory in IB to develop a more precise conceptualization and
operationalization of the appropriate level of analysis, the relevant
boundaries, and cultural effects. This is important, because as Flores,
Aguilera, Mahdian, and Vaaler (2013) show, the choice of the parameters on which to group countries in specific regions impacts the empirical findings obtained.
Distance versus Level Effects
Third,
KLG’s recommendation to distinguish between country and national
culture has been addressed through methodological approaches, mainly by
better specifying the empirical models used for estimating cultural
distance effects. As several scholars have pointed out, under certain
conditions, sample structure may lead to a conflation of distance with
level effects (Brouthers et al., 2016; van Hoorn & Maseland, 2016, but see also Edwards, 2001, 2002
for a more general discussion on difference scores). When estimating
distance effects empirically, it is critical to include multiple home
and multiple host countries and control for level effects. As Brouthers
et al. (2016)
mathematically prove, two well-chosen home or host countries are
sufficient to avoid the problem of confounding distance with level
effects. Only in this way we can be sure that the estimated distance
effect does not simply capture a generic country-specific or
supra-national effect (Harzing & Pudelko, 2016). Studies controlling for distance and level effects are superior to studies doing only one of these (KLG, 2006,
p. 312). Together with the previous observation on the relevance of
cultural profiles at the supra-national level, this implies that that
one would need to control for cultural profile similarity when assessing
the effects of cultural distance on a specific outcome.
Suggestion II: Integrate Additional Cultural Dimensions
Adding
new cultural dimensions to the existing ones requires both
identification of such relevant new cultural dimensions but also
integration of these additional dimensions into existing frameworks
which is theoretically and statistically sound.
There
are several notable research efforts in the last decade to introduce
additional cultural value dimensions. Hofstede himself has extended his
original four-dimensional framework to a six-dimensional framework. In
2010, Hofstede extended the Long-term orientation dimension originally
developed in 1987 for 23 countries (The Chinese Culture Connection, 1987) with data on 93 countries from the World and European Values Survey (WVS-EVS) (Hofstede et al., 2010).
In addition Hofstede (together with Minkov) added a sixth dimension,
labeled Indulgence versus restraint, which captures the degree to which
societies have strong norms regulating and suppressing the instant
gratification of human needs. This value dimension is also measured by
questions taken from the WVS-EVS database. In addition to Hofstede’s two
dimensions complementing his original framework, House and his team
introduced the GLOBE framework in 2004 (House et al., 2004).
At the time of KLG’s writing the added value and relevance of the GLOBE
framework had not yet fully materialized; in fact KLG do not cite the
2004 GLOBE book, although later work suggests a rather critical position
of one of the members of the KLG team with respect to the GLOBE study
(see Taras, Steel, & Kirkman, 2010). Though not without criticism (Hofstede, 2006), GLOBE is a useful addition to the existing cross-cultural frameworks (Smith, 2006).
By now, the cross-cultural frameworks of Hofstede, Schwartz and GLOBE
jointly shape contemporary international business and management
research on cultural value differences (Stahl & Tung, 2015).
Both Schwartz’ and GLOBE’s dimensions are increasingly used in cultural
distance research as alternatives to Hofstede-based cultural distance
measures (Drogendijk & Slangen, 2006; Siegel et al., 2012; Koch et al., 2016; Shin et al., 2016).
Although
WVS-EVS is the only database on values that is longitudinal and covers
many more countries than Hofstede or GLOBE, one problem when applying
WVS-EVS data in culture research in international business is that it
does not present readily available cultural dimensions such as the ones
developed by Hofstede and GLOBE, thus reducing ‘recognizability’ in
management (not in political science and comparative sociology where
WVS-EVS has a long tradition). On the other hand, unlike Hofstede and
GLOBE, the raw WVS-EVS data are publicly available, which create
research opportunities that were not available until recently, such as
replication efforts and multilevel analyses. The longitudinal study by
Beugelsdijk et al. (2015)
is an example of how the WVS-EVS data can be leveraged to address
concerns related to Hofstede-based research. In addition to replicating
Hofstede’s framework with the WVS-EVS new data, the authors take
advantage of the longitudinal sample to test the temporal stability of
cultural values and cultural distance scores over time, a key concern
expressed by KLG. Similar to Inglehart’s (1997) work on value change, Beugelsdijk et al.’s (2015)
study finds that Hofstede’s cultural values do change but in parallel,
implying that national cultural distances scores are relatively stable
over time (see also Inglehart & Baker, 2000).
In general, countries may have become more individualistic, less
hierarchical, and more indulgent (cf. Inglehart & Welzel, 2005),
but if the majority of the countries tend to move in the same
direction, the relative country ranking and the cultural distance
between them remains stable. Note that relatively stable cultural
differences do not necessarily imply that the effect
of cultural distance on international business phenomena remains stable
too. The stability of cultural difference and their impact on
international business phenomena are two different things. Learning how
to deal with ‘stable’ cultural distances may still lead to a reduced
salience of cultural distance, a conjecture that has not (yet) been
tested, but one that is in line with the professional intuition of many
observers that globalization is associated with a decreasing relevance
of cultural differences.
The second
challenge related to the addition of new cultural value dimensions
concerns their integration into existing frameworks. A fundamental
question here is whether these additional dimensions should be seen as
substitutes, complements, or a combination of both. From the empirical
perspective taken in KLG we think the frameworks developed by Hofstede,
GLOBE and Schwartz are not substitutes or complements, but that each of
these frameworks partly captures the same variation in cross-cultural
values and partly some unique variation not picked by any of the other
frameworks (Steenkamp, 2001).
This is also supported by the correlation between the cultural
dimensions from these different frameworks. Empirically, the integration
of multiple frameworks requires a statistical procedure that takes this
correlation into account. This is the key contribution of Berry et al. (2010)
who showed that for multidimensional distance frameworks with
correlated dimensions a so-called Mahalanobis correction is required.
Although the Mahalanobis technique is not new (Mahalanobis, 1936), Berry et al.’s (2010) application to distance in the IB context is novel.
KLG’s
suggestion to explore additional cultural dimensions underscores the
question of whether distance measures should be constructed by dimension
or as a composite of all dimensions. In our view, the approach should
be matched to the particular research question and theoretical argument
used. If the theory is around general cultural differences between two
countries, we see no reason to study the distance by separate dimension.
If, however, the theoretical argument builds on the substance of
particular dimensions (e.g., individualism–collectivism), then
dimension-specific distance measures should be used. Otherwise, there
will be a mismatch between level of theory and level of analysis, which
leads to all types of errors. Since most country-level culture research
in international business has interpreted cultural differences in terms
of cultural distance (KLG, 2006), and most cultural distance research is concerned with general effects of cultural differences (Tihanyi et al., 2005; Magnusson et al., 2008), composite measures integrating all relevant cultural dimensions would continue to dominate this work.
Suggestion III: Assess Effect Size
KLG’s
recommendation to estimate effect sizes of cultural effects in addition
to significance levels is also empirical in nature. Their remark is not
unique to management or international business (Ziliak & McCloskey,
2008).
Scholars across disciplines are slowly shifting from discussing only
significance to also estimating the size of the effect under study. This
allows a more in-depth analysis of cultural effects. For example, Dow
et al. (2016) and Håkanson & Ambos (2010)
explicitly compare the marginal effects of various types of distance on
entry mode choices and perceived (psychic) distance, which wouldn’t be
possible if size is not considered.
This
trend towards explicitly discussing effect sizes is facilitated by new
statistical techniques available to scholars. To illustrate, cultural
distance is often used as an interaction variable in regression models,
because exploring the contingency effects of contextual differences on
specific relations is central to the field of IB. The interpretation of
marginal effects in (multilevel) interaction models however can be
challenging. Only recently has the literature provided accessible
articles and analytical techniques for an easier statistical assessment
and conceptual explanation of how to estimate marginal effects in
interaction models (Aguinis, Gottfredson, & Culpepper, 2013; Bowen, 2012; Brambor, Clark, & Golder, 2006; Cortina, Köhler, & Nielsen, 2015).
In addition, software packages on how to estimate and present effect
sizes have become publicly available, which too has facilitated the
examination of effects sizes. This is not a development that can be
solely attributed to KLG’s seminal article, but the fact is that KLG
clearly sensed where the literature in this respect would be going in
the years to follow, and they actively pushed this practice (see e.g.,
Taras, Kirkman, & Steel, 2010).
To
conclude, in our review of the literature in the last decade we have
found a series of examples which illustrate how different scholars have
put into practice KLG’s 2006 recommendations. In their totality that has
improved the usefulness and rigor of country-level value-based culture
research. In the next section we present an empirical test of KLG’s
recommendations.
PUTTING KLG’S RECOMMENDATIONS TO TEST
The
goal of KLG’S 2006 paper was to improve empirical studies using
Hofstede’s framework. Here we put this claim to test – do their
recommendations indeed increase the rigor of country-based culture
research? Specifically, we replicate a published study: Håkanson &
Ambos’ (2010)
analysis of psychic distance. Psychic distance is referred to as
factors preventing or disturbing the flow of information between
potential and actual suppliers and customers (Johanson & Vahlne, 1977,
p. 24), and is frequently used to explain expansion patterns of
internationalizing firms. Psychic distance is generally understood to be
determined by both individual level and country-level characteristics,
including differences in language, political regimes, geographic
distance and also cultural distance (Dow & Karunaratna, 2006; O’Grady & Lane, 1996).
Unlike cultural distance which is based on a comparison of ‘objective’
sets of values that people in different countries hold, psychic distance
is in essence perceptual. Håkanson & Ambos (2010)
empirically tested the relationship between cultural distance and
psychic distance (average country-level perception of distance), while
controlling for geographic and economic distance. They found that
cultural distance is positively related to psychic distance, but the
effect of cultural distance is relatively smaller than that of
geographic distance. We retested the same relationship but following
KLG’s three recommendations. That is, (a) we compute a Mahalanobis-based
composite measure for cultural distance integrating the six-dimensional
Hofstede framework with Schwartz’s seven-dimensional values framework
and GLOBE’s nine-dimensional system of national cultural values
(recommendation II), (b) we test the impact of cultural distance while
controlling for cultural profiles effects (recommendation I) and (c) we
assess the effect size of cultural distance, in addition to its
significance (recommendation III).
Model 1
|
Model 2
|
Model 3
|
Model 4
| |
---|---|---|---|---|
Step 1
|
Step 2
|
Step 3
| ||
Dependent variable
| ||||
Psychic distance to a country (source: Håkanson & Ambos, 2010)
|
Standard model
|
Integrating recommendation to explore and integrate additional dimensions by including Hofstede, Schwartz, and GLOBE
|
Integrating
recommendation to distinguish between cultural profile and cultural
distance by including supra-national cultural profiles
|
Integrating
recommendation to distinguish between cultural profile and cultural
distance by including discrete difference between cultural profiles
|
Variables of interest
| ||||
Cultural distance (Traditional Hofstede-based index)
|
1.73 (2.14)**
| |||
Composite Mahalanobis-based cultural distance index (integrating Hofstede’s additional dimensions, Schwartz and GLOBE)
|
3.14 (3.89)**
|
3.38 (5.39)**
|
1.25 (1.80)
| |
Host country cultural profile (Anglo-Saxon is default)
| ||||
Latin Europe
|
7.7 (4.83)**
|
6.3 (4.05)**
| ||
Nordic
|
10.1 (5.93)**
|
10.6 (6.5)**
| ||
Germanic
|
10.8 (6.57)**
|
9.7 (6.06)**
| ||
Latin America
|
14.2 (8.81)**
|
14.9 (9.58)**
| ||
Eastern Europe
|
22.9 (12.47)**
|
21.6 (12.14)**
| ||
Confucian Asia
|
26.3 (15.51)**
|
27.5 (16.7)**
| ||
Near East
|
29.4 (12.57)**
|
27.5 (12.12)**
| ||
Far East
|
31.4 (13.27)**
|
29.5 (12.88)**
| ||
Different cultural profile (dummy takes 1 if home and host belong to different cultural zone)
|
11.28 (6.05)**
| |||
Control variables
| ||||
Longitudinal distance
|
7.28 (10.2)**
|
6.9 (9.5)**
|
8.8 (15.3)**
|
8.6 (15.33)**
|
Latitude distance
|
3.33 (5.16)**
|
3.5 (5.4)**
|
4.9 (9.29)**
|
4.6 (8.85)**
|
Economic distance
|
2.13 (3.1)**
|
1.9 (2.8)*
|
1.8 (3.8)**
|
1.73 (3.78)**
|
Country size difference
|
2.03 (3.26)*
|
2.1 (3.44)**
|
1.9 (3.8)**
|
1.99 (4.23)**
|
Language overlap
|
−6.9 (9.9)**
|
−7.2 (10.5)**
|
−3.6 (6.05)**
|
−3.6 (6.19)**
|
Former colonial relation
|
−19.3 (6.3)**
|
19.1 (6.3)**
|
−9.9 (4.55)**
|
−7.7 (3.63)**
|
Shared border
|
−13.4 (5.2)**
|
12.3 (4.84)**
|
−10.9 (5.96)**
|
−8.1 (4.44)**
|
Number of country pairs
|
506
|
506
|
506
|
506
|
R2
|
.58
|
.59
|
.81
|
.82
|
We chose Håkanson & Ambos’ (2010)
paper because it fits the scope and focus of KLG’s discussion – it
tests the relation between cultural and psychic distance, which KLG
suggest; it uses the Hofstede-based cultural distance index which is
central to the country level discussion in KLG; it compares the cultural
distance effect with other distance effects, thus explicitly addressing
the effects size discussion; its uses a sample with multiple home and
host countries, allowing us to explicitly address the distance versus
profile question. Furthermore, all required data for the retest are
publicly available.
Integrating Multiple Frameworks in a Composite Distance Index
We
first calculate the Mahalanobis-based cultural distance integrating the
dimensions of the three culture frameworks Hofstede, Schwartz and
GLOBE. The resulting cultural dimensions do not correspond to any of the
original dimensions in the three frameworks. They are statistical
combinations derived from maximization of the variance explained and
minimization of correlations between the resulting dimensions. Our
interest here is not to interpret these new dimensions, but to calculate
cultural distances between country pairs, and explore the presence of
supra-national cultural zones based on a minimization of these
distances. Given the availability of data on these three frameworks for
40 countries, we obtain N = 40*39 = 1560 country pair scores.2
The correlation between the traditional Hofstede’s based index
criticized by KLG and the new three-framework based composite index is
.6 suggesting that the composite index measures something different than
the traditional index.
We use this
Mahalanobis composite distance index to further explore the presence of
cultural zones at the supra-national level. We apply Ward’s hierarchical
clustering method based on minimizing within group variance and
maximizing between-group variance. Figure 2
shows the dendrogram (tree diagram) of the 40 countries and their
cultural clustering in supranational regions. The length of the
horizontal lines indicates the degree of fit. The longer the line, the
smaller the fit. The left nodes representing the individual countries
are all plotted at zero distance.
To corroborate the results obtained, we compare these supra-national cultural zones with Ronen and Shenkar’s (2013)
meta-analysis of cultural zones. We perform a linear discriminant
analysis which attributes these 40 countries to Ronen and Shenkar’s
cultural zones based on minimization of the Mahalanobis distances. Of
the 40 countries in our analysis, only three are misclassified yielding a
correct classification rate of 93%.3 This gives us
confidence to conclude that the addition of Hofstede’s fifth and sixth
dimension and the subsequent integration of Hofstede, Schwartz, and
GLOBE in a Mahalanobis based distance index yields country-level
cultural profiles that can be considered valid. This is important
because it shows support for KLG’s recommendations and also illustrates a
way to incorporate them into empirical practice.
Re-estimating the Cultural Distance – Psychic Distance Relation
We re-estimate Håkanson & Ambos (2010)
using the Mahalanobis based distance index that integrates Hofstede,
Schwartz and GLOBE, as well as the supra-national cultural profiles
obtained in our analysis. The online appendix provides a summary of the
variables used. For measurement of psychic distance we refer to Håkanson
& Ambos (2010). Here we only discuss the main results. Just like in Håkanson & Ambos (2010),
all our continuous variables are standardized for an easier
interpretation and comparison of the size of the estimated coefficients.
Model 1 in Table 1
presents the regression model relating the traditional Hofstede based
distance index to psychic distance. Similar to the original test, we
find that cultural distance is significant, but its effect size is
smaller compared to geographic distance, especially longitudinal (time
zone) distance.
We now implement the above
recommendations in three steps. First, we substitute the original
Hofstede-based cultural distance index by the newly developed
Mahalanobis composite cultural distance index (Model 2). Cultural
distance continues to be significant and its effect size is even larger
than that of the original index. Second, we add dummies for
supra-national cultural regions to control for cultural profile effects
while estimating the cultural distance effect (Model 3). We find that
the explained variance increases, and country pair cultural distance
remains significant. Cultural profiles (cultural regional clusters) also
significantly impact psychic distance and the effect varies across
cultural zones. Interestingly, all else equal, individuals generally
perceive the Anglo-Saxon cultural zone to be the closest regardless of
their own cultural zone. Third, to explore whether the cultural distance
effect is a continuous country-by-country distance effect or a discrete
cultural profile effect we add a dummy taking the value 1 if the home
and host countries belong to different supra-national cultural zones
(Model 4). This dummy is highly significant and the effect of country
pair cultural distance becomes negligible both in size and significance
(it is significant only at p < .10). The other finding in Håkanson
& Ambos’ (2010) study that geographic distance has a larger impact on psychic distance stands.
We
can conclude therefore that psychic distance in this model is mostly
driven by the supra-national cultural zone rather than the country-level
cultural distance. These results provide evidence for the validity of
KLG’s recommendations underscoring the relevance of supra-national
cultural profiles or zones as an alternative and rather relevant level
of analysis in culture studies. This is an important and interesting
finding worth further exploration – where, when and how, under what
circumstances, and for what research questions do countries versus
cultural zones/clusters become more prominent and relevant as level for
theorizing and analysis.
Our multi-prong
approach of using a combination of a (modified) national cultural
distance index and a supra-national cultural profile measure is an
example of poly-contextualization discussed by several international
business scholars (Von Glinow, Shapiro, & Brett, 2004; Tsui, Nifadkar, & Ou, 2007).
It is also consistent with KLG’s implicit idea that the condition of
complex multiplicity and multi-layeredness of cultural contexts requires
an equally complex approach to conceptualizing and operationalizing
cultural effects. While appropriate in the early stages of this line of
work, the use of Hofstede-based national cultural distance indexes
should be revisited. In many instances, such measures should be
complemented by composite national cultural distance indexes which
integrate multiple cultural frameworks, or measures at alternative
levels of analysis such as supra-national cultural clusters. Cultural
effects would be the strongest at the level at which values are most
distinctively shared within and differing between. In the appropriate
theoretical context and with the right methodological approach,
international business scholars could derive useful results on cultural
effects at these alternative levels. All in all, our stepwise re-test of
Håkanson & Ambos (2010) shows the relevance and importance of KLG’s work.
GOING FORWARD
Reflecting
on the trajectory of country-level culture research in the context of
KLG’s 2006 paper and the results of our empirical test of their ideas,
we would suggest two directions for future research – one related to the
level of analysis and in particular the supra-national cultural region,
and the other – to the mechanisms which explain the link between
country and individual in addition to, or instead of cultural values.
While recognizing that developing these ideas is challenging, we view
them as rather promising ways forward for enriching culture research in
international business.
First, despite
their broad coverage of the literature at the individual and country
levels, KLG do not discuss in the 2006 paper the supra-national regions
and the clustering of countries based on cultural profiles. Even in the
2016 retrospective, the authors only indirectly mention supra-national
regions as potentially relevant. As we argued conceptually and showed
empirically, the supra-national cultural level is worth investigating in
studies of culture and cultural distance effects. It might be that KLG
did not consider this given the small number of empirical papers at this
level of analysis. Data on regional/cluster cultural indicators are
also limited. However, the notion of supra-national regions with similar
cultural profiles logically emerges from KLG’s paper and our test
illustrates its empirical relevance for perceptions of distance. Thus we
expect future country-level Hofstede-inspired research to explicitly
include this level of analysis as well. We conjecture that in many
cases, the continuous national cultural distance effects might be
trumped by the discrete cultural profile/region effect.
One
possible counterargument against the use of cultural profiles is the
potential loss of information: variation on individual cultural
dimensions is re-conceptualized in information based on country
clusters. This need not be a problem however. Theoretically, the notion
of cultural profiles is closer to an understanding of culture as a set
of interrelated dimensions. Hofstede himself has frequently mentioned
that cultural dimensions only exist in our imagination, and should be
seen in combination (Hofstede, 2011). And as Tsui et al. (2007,
p. 462) argue most eloquently: “culture is a latent, a hypothetical
construct, and most definitions refer to culture as a pattern”. It is
not a list of independent dimensions but an “integrated, complex set of
interrelated and potentially interactive patterns characteristic of a
group of people” (Lytle et al., 1995, p. 170; Tsui et al., 2007).
Empirically, the use of cultural profiles instead of cultural
dimensions can be dealt with using methods such as fuzzy set analysis or
QCA (Fiss, 2011; Ragin, 2008),
which allow assessing the effects of different configurations of the
cultural profile rather than the set of individual dimensions or the
aggregated number (Hotho, 2014).
Second,
we agree with KLG’s suggestion to consider alternative (to values)
conceptualizations in exploring cultural effects in international
business. Theoretically, for example, the situated dynamics framework
developed by Leung & Morris (2015)
and included in KLG’s roadmap for future culture research holds great
promise by relating culturally embedded mechanisms to individual
outcomes. Fundamentally, this approach evolves around values held by
individuals, who in their interaction with others develop norms and
cognitive schema on how to behave in groups. What complicates the
relation between cultural and individual level is that the sum of
individually held values does not necessarily equal the country-level
cultural values, even though we often assume so empirically.
The
value-based approach and the associated (mal)practice of equating
country with culture assumes full consensus on cultural values, i.e.,
all inhabitants in a country agree on the same values resulting in
strong norms and a tight culture. Gelfand et al. (2011)
clearly showed this need not be the case, and countries vary in their
degree of value consensus. We showed that countries that score high on
the degree of consensus resulting in tight norms also have relatively
homogeneous values. A more fundamental question here is if not shared
values, what creates a shared sense of affiliation with a particular
country, which is important in international business? The unraveling of
the different paths in which individuals come to identify with a
certain country (beyond, or despite the lack of, shared cultural values)
is an exciting opportunity for enriching our understanding of the
interplay between culture, nation states, and individual behavior. Work
in sociology, social psychology, and political economy might be useful
in tackling the questions of how the concept of self emerges as related
to country and culture, how people conceive of the boundaries of their
cultural groups (‘me’ vs. ‘the other’), how the notion of a nation state
becomes socially constructed and sustained. Work in cognitive
psychology on schema and norms can also be useful here, especially when
the schema and norms have a country-level dimension. Cultural schema are
shared by cultural groups and thus are likely to shape distinct
patterns of behavior within group boundaries.
Finally, the literature on national identity could also be very useful here (Anderson, 1983; Billig, 1995).
National identity is related to a sense of imagined community and need
not be based on shared values, although it is a powerful source of
identification. Following the argument made by political scientists that
national identity has become more important in response to
globalization (Kaldor, 2004),
one may even conjecture that people’s values and the (perceived)
uniqueness of their nation, national cultures have become more salient.
It is an open question whether the need for national identity in a
globalized world makes national cultural values more salient, and how it
affects international cooperation in business settings.
Table 2
summarizes information from the World Values Survey for 84 countries on
people’s main sense of belonging. It clearly shows that most people
first identify with their immediate locality (39%) closely followed by
country (36%), but not so much with either subnational regions (14%) or
supra-national regions (5%).
Table 2
Main
source of identification: local, regional, national, supra-national (in
% of total respondents) by supra-national cultural cluster as defined
by Ronen & Shenkar (2013)
Local
|
Sub-national region
|
Country
|
Supra-national region
| |
---|---|---|---|---|
All 84 countries
|
39%
|
14%
|
36%
|
5%
|
Nordic
|
46
|
13
|
33
|
4
|
Latin Europe
|
42
|
16
|
29
|
7
|
Germanic
|
38
|
39
|
22
|
5
|
Anglo-Saxon
|
38
|
13
|
38
|
6
|
African
|
37
|
14
|
36
|
6
|
Eastern Europe
|
45
|
13
|
34
|
4
|
Latin America
|
34
|
14
|
35
|
8
|
Arab
|
22
|
12
|
55
|
6
|
Confucian Asia
|
39
|
18
|
39
|
2
|
Far East
|
36
|
15
|
43
|
3
|
Near East
|
35
|
12
|
42
|
5
|
Interestingly,
although cultural values tend to be shared in supra-national cultural
clusters as discussed earlier, people hardly identify with such
supra-national cultural clusters. Similarly, it is interesting to
observe that in only three of the 84 countries (Austria, Germany, and
Switzerland) people indicate that they identify primarily with the
subnational region, and only after that with country. And, it is exactly
these three countries in which sub-national regions (called German
Länder or Swiss Kantons) have a significant administrative institutional
function with strong historical roots.
While
values will continue to be very useful in explaining cross-country
differences in behavioral patterns and organizational arrangements,
these other concepts and theoretical perspectives hold great promise to
explain different, yet important country-level effects in the absence of
sharedness of cultural values or for a different set of outcomes.
CONCLUSION
KLG
wrote an article that – looking back – turned out to be rather
impactful. They not only provided a thoughtful overview of a very large
Hofstede-inspired literature which is useful in and of itself, but also
offered a series of recommendations that have contributed to more
nuanced and sophisticated study of culture in international business. We
limited our commentary to the country level of analysis but we believe
that our assessment of their impact is true for the other levels as
well. As KLG discussed country-level culture research mostly in terms of
cultural distance, our commentary focused on cultural distance as well.
However, it is important to realize that Hofstede-inspired
country-level culture research is more than just distance research.
Hofstede himself did not develop the distance concept; it was ‘us’
(i.e., the international business and management community), as ‘heavy’
users of his framework on national cultural differences that allowed the
cultural distance concept to feature so prominently in national culture
research in international business. It is important to keep in mind
that cultural differences and cultural distance are not the same. In
fact, one can see value in Hofstede’s effort to differentiate cultures
but be critical of the idea to measure cultural distance.
As
illustrated above, the original paper has had a strong following and
has led to a number of extensions in the way culture value research has
been applied in the last decade. Our empirical test also showed that
incorporating KLG’s recommendations makes a difference – it produces
more reliable and rigorous results on the effects of culture, which are
possibly different from the traditional approach. More importantly,
KLG’s ideas have brought forth a number of novel insights and research
questions that could shape a more forward looking research agenda. As
our field continuous to grow and diversify, we need more contributions
like this that synthesize, integrate, and push our collective
scholarship to the next level. We think this is the main reason why the
KLG 2006 paper became this year’s JIBS Decade Award winning article.
Notes
- 1An alternative technical perspective of the interaction between cultural mean scores and the standard deviation on these cultural dimensions is to think of the standard deviation as the extent to which the mean contains measurement error. In countries with a high standard deviation, the measurement error can be considered large, requiring a correction of the extent to which the mean is mis-measured. We think the degree of value consensus itself also has substantive meaning, as shown already by Gelfand et al. (2011). For that reason we prefer to think of the interaction between cultural values and cultural tightness as not only a technical correction.
- 2Although these data are only available for 40 countries, 73% of the global FDI stock is concentrated in these 40 countries (UNCTAD, World Investment Report, 2015). That is to say that the sample size may be relatively small in terms of number of countries covered, its relevance to IB is substantial.
- 3The three misclassified countries are Brazil, Slovenia and Taiwan. Note that Taiwan was classified in Ronen and Shenkar’s Eastern European cluster with a probability of 52% while Ronen and Shenkar put it in the Confucian cluster where it has a probability of 41%.
Acknowledgements
The
first author thanks the Netherlands Organization for Scientific
Research (NWO) for their financial support (VIDI Grant 452-11-010).
Supplementary material
41267_2016_38_MOESM1_ESM.xls (246 kb)
No comments :
Post a Comment
Note: only a member of this blog may post a comment.